By Coptic Solidarity –
Response to Egyptian Delegate claims at the UN Forum on Indigenous Issues.
The United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues (UNPFII) is a high- level advisory body to ECOSOC with the mandate to deal with indigenous issues related to economic and social development, culture, the environment, education, health, and human rights.
The twenty-fourth session of the UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues took place from Monday, 21 April, to Friday, 2 May 2025. The theme of the session was: “Implementing the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples within United Nations Member States and the United Nations system, including identifying good practices and addressing challenges.”
Organizations with ECOSOC status, such as Coptic Solidarity, can sign-up to give a 3 minute statement. Research Assistant and former intern, Mark Basta, gave a statement on behalf of Coptic Solidarity. Below you can watch Mark’s statement and a response statement made by a delegate of the Egyptian Permanent Mission to the United Nations.
Here-below, Coptic Solidarity provides responses to the delegate’s speech. We try to expose the reality of citizenship and cultural rights in Egypt, beneath the façade:
Remarks by Egypt’s delegate
(..) I commend your efforts in chairing today’s meeting.
Egypt values the contribution of the Forum in discussing issues related to indigenous people wherever they exist based on internationally agreed definition.
In addition, I would like to make the following remarks in light of some baseless information that we’re exposed to today before your esteemed forum regarding my country.
Egypt throughout its history since the ancient Egyptian civilization before Christ and till (?) has always witnessed and maintained harmony, cohesion and joint sense of identity among its people through a natural process of assimilation. The natural fabric of Egypt society as well as (its?) well woven fabric is a living refutation of claims that Egypt has indigenous people. Indeed, all Egyptians are by default indigenous to this historic land.
Accordingly, my delegation questions the misinformation circulated by some representatives of civil society at this august forum to the contrary claiming that Copts of Egypt constitute its indigenous people where there were further claims of religious discrimination. These claims are indeed baseless.
CS Response:
From Conquest to Marginalization: Egypt’s Indigenous Denial of the Copts
The real history of Egypt is far more complex than the simplified narrative presented above—particularly regarding the notions of “harmony,” “cohesion,” or a “natural process of assimilation.”
To begin with, it is widely acknowledged that the majority of Egypt’s current Muslim population descends from Egyptian Christians (i.e., Copts) who “converted” to Islam over the 14 centuries that followed the Arab-Islamic “conquest.” However, historical records are replete with dark chapters that document the often coercive and violent nature of this conversion process. In many instances, converts not only changed their faith but also gradually abandoned their ancient Egyptian cultural heritage, adopting the language and customs of successive foreign rulers, and further intermixed with successive waves—Arab, Turkic, Kurdish, and others—of colonization.
Consequently, while Copts may not be the only ethnically indigenous population in Egypt, they are indisputably the culturally indigenous people of the country. Through their ongoing religious practices—deeply rooted in ancient Egyptian traditions, from language and liturgical music to ritual symbolism—Copts have preserved a cultural identity that long predates the Arab conquest.
That said, these historical and cultural considerations could have remained subjects of academic debate—best examined by historians and anthropologists—were it not for the pressing reality that Copts in Egypt continue to face systemic and systematic discrimination under successive regimes in their own homeland.
The fact is, the Egyptian state today functions largely by and for the Muslim majority, often to the exclusion of genuine pluralism and full equality before the law. For instance, Copts remain severely underrepresented in state institutions. They account for less than 2% of senior government positions, judiciary appointments, or leadership roles in public universities and the military, despite making up an estimated 12-15% of the population. Reports by organizations such as the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF) and Human Rights Watch have consistently documented these patterns, along with mob violence against Christians that often goes unpunished due to local reconciliation mechanisms replacing formal legal proceedings.
In sum, the early aspirations of the 19th and early 20th centuries to build a modern, pluralistic nation-state—epitomized by many Coptic figures and inclusive national movements—have been systematically rolled back in recent decades, particularly following the rise of political Islam and the security-focused policies of successive regimes. As a result, Copts today live as second-class citizens in their ancestral homeland, marginalized socially and institutionally.
Refer to:
• The Coptic Identity: Recognizing the Coptic Indigenous Peoples Status for Protection from State-Sponsored Discrimination
• Coptic Solidarity Annual Analysis of the State Department’s International Religious Freedom Report on Egypt
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Egyptian Delegate
Egypt’s constitution and legislation guarantees the full and equal enjoyment of rights by all Egyptians regardless of their religious identity, faith or belief. Religious freedom in Egypt in this connection, claims of curtailing of religious freedom or forced conversion are baseless.
CS Response:
Equal on Paper, Unequal in Practice: Citizenship and Cultural Rights in Egypt
While Egypt’s Constitution and most legislation nominally guarantee equality for all citizens regardless of religion, these guarantees are effectively undermined by Article 2 of the Constitution, which designates Islam as the state religion and Shari’a principles as the primary source of legislation. This provision creates an inherent hierarchy among citizens, where Islamic norms are prioritized in law and public policy, often at the expense of religious minorities.
Moreover, constitutional and legal guarantees—no matter how well-drafted—do not automatically translate into practice. In reality, Copts regularly face violations of their religious freedom and lack equal protection under the law. One stark example is the case of Soad Thabet, an elderly Coptic woman who was stripped naked and paraded in public by a mob in Minya in 2016, following a false accusation of an interfaith relationship involving her son. Despite nationwide attention and public outcry, the perpetrators were acquitted, and she was ultimately denied justice after exhausting all legal avenues—a powerful illustration of the culture of impunity surrounding anti-Coptic violence.
Additionally, Articles 98(f) of the Egyptian Penal Code, commonly referred to as the “contempt of religion” laws, are disproportionately applied. These laws are almost exclusively used to protect Islam from perceived criticism—however minor or academic—and have frequently been used to persecute Copts and, occasionally, reform-minded Muslims. Individuals have been sentenced to prison for social media posts, art, or theological opinions that authorities deem “insulting” to Islam, while inflammatory attacks on Christianity are rarely prosecuted.
These cases and laws collectively contradict the narrative presented by Egypt’s delegation and demonstrate a consistent pattern of legal and institutional discrimination. They also violate Egypt’s obligations under international instruments such as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), to which Egypt is a state party.
Refer to:
• Door of justice slammed shut in high-profile sectarian case, Thabet now faces civil suit from men who assaulted her
• The Criminal Saga of ‘Disappeared’ Coptic Girls Continues Unabated
• Little Christian Girl Stoned for Eating During Ramadan
• Coptic Man Hacked to Pieces and Dumped in Cairo Canal
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Egyptian Delegate
Egypt has lately issued its national Report on religious Freedom which contains updated information on the increase in establishment of places of worship, especially churches, during the last decade.
CS Response:
Perfect in Theory, Prejudiced in Practice: Egypt’s Record on Minority Rights
The issuance of Egypt’s Church Construction Law (Law No. 80 of 2016), rather than a unified law for all houses of worship, underscores the state’s discriminatory legal framework toward religious minorities. While the law was presented as a step forward, it in fact institutionalizes a separate and unequal process for Christian communities seeking to build or repair their places of worship.
Implementation of the law has been both slow and opaque. Out of approximately 3,730 applications submitted to legalize existing churches—many of which have been in use for decades or even centuries—only 2,973 have been given conditional approval as of June 2023, subject to further requirements, with far fewer receiving final permits. Meanwhile, churches in various villages have been shut down due to pressure from extremist groups or local “reconciliation” agreements, and permits for renovation or reopening are often arbitrarily denied. Where construction is approved, it tends to occur in newly developed urban areas—doing little to alleviate the existing shortages in rural and historically Christian regions.
This selective application of the law exists in stark contrast to the ease with which mosques are established. In Egypt, virtually anyone can build or convert a structure into a mosque, with little or no bureaucratic resistance. According to official statistics released by the Ministry of Religious Endowments, there were over 151,000 mosques in the country as of late 2023, including 13,045 built since President El-Sisi took office. The number of informal prayer halls (zawiyas) is estimated to exceed 1.5 million.
Given Egypt’s current population of 114 million, this means that there is one mosque or prayer hall for every 40 or so Muslims, but only one church or monastery for every 2,400 Christians. That’s a staggering 1:60 ratio of blatant discrimination.
Refer to:
• 2023 Report on International Religious Freedom: Egypt
• What TRUE Discrimination Looks Like: Mosques vs Churches in Egypt
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Egyptian Delegate
Continued dialogue between the Coptic Orthodox Church of Egypt and Egypt’s Islamic religious institutions is the cornerstone of harmony and guarantor of social cohesion between the followers of both faiths.
CS Response:
The Myth of Harmony: What Egypt Won’t Admit About Copts and Citizenship
The so-called “dialogue” between Egypt’s Islamic institutions and the Coptic Orthodox Church has been largely orchestrated by the state—not as a genuine exchange between equals, but rather as a mechanism to deflect attention from the state’s own constitutional and legal responsibilities. By framing interfaith relations as a matter of religious diplomacy between institutions, the state effectively shifts the discourse away from fundamental issues of equal citizenship and rule of law, and toward a symbolic, state-managed narrative of “religious harmony.”
Moreover, the Coptic Orthodox Church, while the largest Christian institution in Egypt, does not represent Copts in a civic or political capacity. That model of religious leadership acting as intermediary with the state may have been relevant during the Ottoman millet system, but it is incompatible with modern citizenship-based governance. The Church’s primary role is spiritual, not political, and it cannot substitute for Copts’ direct engagement with the state as equal citizens.
The Egyptian government’s engagement with religious leaders—even if well-intentioned—is no replacement for fulfilling its obligations to protect the individual and collective rights of all its citizens, including those of the Copts, under both international human rights standards and its own constitution.
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Egyptian Delegate
This is also manifested in the promulgation of laws governing personal status issues, where the Coptic Church provides guidance to legislators to follow church’s rule in this domain as they apply to Egypt’s Coptic Christians, in total respect for their religious identity and exercise of the freedom of religion.
CS Response:
Faith, Fabrications, and the Fight for Equality in Egypt
While the delegate points to laws governing personal status as evidence of respect for religious identity, the reality is that Egypt lacks a unified civil personal status law that applies equally to all citizens regardless of religious affiliation. Instead, personal status matters are governed by religion-based frameworks—and crucially, even these are ultimately subject to the supremacy of Islamic Shari’a, as enshrined in Article 2 of the Constitution. This effectively limits the ability of non-Muslim communities, including the Copts, to fully manage their personal affairs according to their own doctrines.
Efforts by Egypt’s three main Christian denominations—Orthodox, Evangelical, and Catholic—to draft a unified Christian personal status law date back to the 1980s. However, despite repeated attempts and negotiations, no such law has yet been passed. State and parliamentary objections persist, particularly regarding interfaith marriage, divorce and separation, inheritance equality between men and women, and adoption—all of which are restricted or prohibited under prevailing interpretations of Shari’a law. This situation leaves Coptic Christians in a legal limbo. This not only undermines their religious freedom but also denies them full equality before the law, as mandated under international human rights instruments to which Egypt is a signatory.
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Photo Credit: Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Social Inclusion
UN Headquarters, New York
https://social.desa.un.org/issues/indigenous-peoples/unpfii/24th-session
ربنا يبارك خدمتك الشباب القبطي هو مستقبل مشرف ارجو الاستمرار في كل المحافل الدولية الدولة المصرية إرهابية تمارس الإرهاب الممنهج على الاقباط