Police certainly showed great restraint, even unprecedented tolerance, towards Ikhwan protesters since the evacuation of Rabaa and Nahda. But the demonstrators, far from being doves of peace, have poisoned the daily life of Egyptians: attacking private citizens and businesses, destroying cars and buses that were on their way, cutting expressways and major axes in cities, committing offenses punishable by laws (that were never applied, even under the emergency law!)
This situation outraged the Egyptians, who lived in self-imposed curfew because of travel difficulties. Therefore they demanded more firmness on the part of government to end their tortures. The promulgation of the law that organizes manifestations met a popular wish, but was rejected by activists and a number of political parties that have no existence in the street.
That law broadly refers to the French law, but in another context; uncertain, explosive, transitional, messy, etc. It was applied for first time against a group of protesters who refused to apply for authorization, defying the state and the police. They were demonstrating against one of the articles of the Constitution, which authorizes the trial of civilians, who attack the military and their buildings, before military courts.
These activists – some of whom were detained by the military during the transition period that followed the fall of Mubarak – have lost all their credibility because of their declared sympathy to the Ikhwan and their visceral hatred towards the military. Their demonstration was dispersed and fiercely repressed by the police. However, that same morning, the Ikwan demonstrations, that cut roads as usual, were met with no reaction whatsoever.
This return of repression and humiliation of activists opens a new front against the enemies of the current military-supported regime, which remained more or less neutral until now. The gap that Ikwans tried hard to make in the popular coalition that was formed on June 30 is in the process of expanding, thanks to the government’s incompetence, the arrogance of the Ministry of the Interior, as well as all the rest of reasons: collusion, conspiracy, struggles of interest, divisions, corruption, you name it..
We do not understand why the courts have been so quick to condemn students and schoolgirls from Ikwan to very heavy penalties, while still leaving without any judgment terrorists who are largely responsible for what we are going through on a daily basis.
We do not understand either, why the editors of the state-owned papers, who were previously appointed by the Ikwan, have not been replaced yet.
We certainly do not understand why do we keep the Minister of the Interior who is inherited from the Ikhwan government and who plays a very dangerous double game.
Just one week before the events of Wednesday, Ikwan were at their lowest point and, being in a total impasse, had lost all ability to mobilize the street, and especially at Cairo University where the student was killed. Now they seem to regain some popular sympathy because of the arbitrary judgments against the girls, and also because of the apparent double standards.
Besides the bad timing of the actions taken, there is the increasing desperation of people who want to see the conditions of their lives improve. Chaos, hence, is general.
Despite all this, the cultural life paradoxically seems thriving again! One begins to have plenty of choices for shows, exhibitions, films, seminars, fairs etc. But it is very elitist; the people, meanwhile, expect a miracle – or do they prepare a miracle?!
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Dr. Galila El Kadi is a university professor in France
